A Theory of Secession by Christopher Heath Wellman

By Christopher Heath Wellman

Providing an unapologetic safety of definitely the right to secede, Christopher Heath Wellman argues that any staff has an ethical correct to secede so long as its political divorce will go away it and the rest kingdom able to practice the considered necessary political capabilities. He explains that there's not anything contradictory approximately valuing valid states, whereas allowing their department. hence, if one values self-determination, then one has sturdy cause to finish that folks have a correct to figure out their political obstacles.

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Some theorists recommend revising our considered moral judgments in order to make them coherent. In particular, some libertarians assert that any theory that seeks to combine negative rights with the positive rights entailed by a benefit principle is conceptually incoherent. They argue that negative rights place individuals in positions of moral dominion that are inconsistent with positive rights. For instance, one’s rights to life and liberty preclude one’s incurring a duty without one’s consent, and one’s right to property implies that others can have no claim to what one owns.

On the one hand is the rigorous libertarian position that allows a person absolute and unlimited personal autonomy as long as her conduct does not harm others, and on the other is a characterization of agents as liable to having their moral dominion curtailed by the peril of others. I have no deductive proof for samaritanism, but I can offer a prima facie case for the benefit principle and then defend this stance against the arguments of the libertarians. Combining the harm principle with a benefit principle accords better with our considered judgments than the libertarian alternative.

Similarly, the fact that B will violate C’s rights if A does not protect C does not mean that A’s failure to protect C harms C; it is B who harms C, and expanding the harm principle to pin the harm on A only confuses the issue. ) Thus we must not abandon the harm principle’s proximate cause requirement and, therefore, cannot restrict political liberty in the name of the harm principle. At this point, a persistent critic might retort that exercising political liberty does harm others because it disrupts existing political stability.

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