Comparative Perspectives on Afro-Latin America by Kwame Dixon, John Burdick

By Kwame Dixon, John Burdick

“This quantity is lengthy past due, and on the innovative of scholarship. it's certain to turn into a typical reference.”—Jerome Branche, writer of Race, Colonialism, and Social Transformation in Latin American and the Caribbean

 

“A strong and unique selection of essays. offers a miles wanted evaluate of the improvement of the Afro-Latin American rights movement.”—Nicola Foote, coeditor of Military fight and identification Formation in Latin America

 

As educational curiosity in Afro-Latin the US raises, so, too, does the necessity for a clean textual content detailing the cultural and political concerns dealing with black populations during the quarter. With present literature interested by populations in person international locations, editors Kwame Dixon and John Burdick have inspired their members to maneuver past borders during this wide-ranging study.
            Comparative views on Afro-Latin America bargains a brand new, dynamic dialogue of the event of blackness and cultural distinction, black political mobilization, and country responses to Afro-Latin activism all through Latin the USA. Its thematic association and holistic procedure set it aside because the so much accomplished and updated survey of those populations and the problems they face at present available.

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The contrast between Yoruba and Bantu (or Congo) identities is also visible in the Cuban religious realm. Palmié (2002) shows that the meanings of Yoruba-based Lucumí and Congobased Palo Mayombe stem not only from their distinct African origins but also from hierarchical notions developed in Cuba that associate the former with having a moral ethos and the latter with a lack thereof. 8. On the interchangeability of the terms Nagô, Quêto/Ketu, and Yoruba in Africa and the diaspora, see Matory (2005, 21): “Nowadays, the West African cognates of ‘Quêto’—‘Kétou’ or ‘Kétu’—refer to a specific Yoruba-speaking town in the People’s Republic of Benin and to a kingdom that cuts across the border of Nigeria and the People’s Republic of Benin.

In recognizing the role dispossession has played, I am not supporting the notion that we should 36  Patricia de Santana Pinho understand culture as property as a way to compensate for material deprivation. Elsewhere I have argued against the proposal put forward by some scholars and activists in Brazil that it is necessary to “regain black culture for black people” (Pinho 2010, 161). The logic behind that notion is that in order to fight the myth of racial democracy it is necessary to “extricate” black culture from nonblacks.

The association also provides legal aid for traditional Afrodescendant communities, including quilombos that are struggling for land tenure. As Alvarez, Dagnino, and Escobar (1998) explain, the “new” social movements that have emerged in Latin America since the late 1980s have combined mobilization for material resources with the production of new cultural representations. Grassroots organizations have been fighting not only for access, incorporation, participation, and inclusion in their respective countries but have also been participating in the very definition of the nation and the political system.

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