By Jesse Keskiaho
Goals and visions performed very important roles within the Christian cultures of the early heart a long time. yet not just did culture and authoritative texts educate that a few goals have been divine: a few additionally mentioned that this used to be now not regularly the case. Exploring a wide variety of narrative assets and manuscripts, Jesse Keskiaho investigates how the lessons of Augustine of Hippo and Pope Gregory the good on goals and visions have been learn and utilized in varied contexts. Keskiaho argues that the early medieval strategies of reception in a feeling created patristic opinion approximately desires and visions, leading to a collection of authoritative principles that may be used either to safeguard and to question studies of person visionary studies. This e-book is a tremendous contribution to discussions in regards to the highbrow position of desires and visions within the early center a long time, and underlines the artistic nature of early medieval engagement with authoritative texts.
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Additional info for Dreams and Visions in the Early Middle Ages: The Reception and Use of Patristic Ideas, 400-900
20 For him the story of how a repeating dream, the initial disregard of which cost the life of the dreamer’s son, drove a rustic called Titus Latinius to communicate the will of Jupiter, is an example of the coercive captivity demons kept men in before the coming of Christ. The dream needed to be obeyed, and since the rustic could not, unlike, presumably, a Christian, discern it as a demonic dream, he had no choice but to obey. Such stories were taken up in Christian hagiography, especially in the context of the relics of the saints.
263–68, 287–90, 297, 313–38, 338–41; see also Boulhol, Claude de Turin. , Maguire, The icons of their bodies, 7, 9, 10, 13, 43. 65 In these stories the images are not explicitly used to authenticate the visions, but rather the focus seems to be on the images. 66 The use of images to authenticate dreams also occurs in some Latin texts. One of the earliest is a fanciful account of how Ambrose of Milan discovered the remains of martyrs Gervasius and Protasius. 68 Eventually, however, a more extensive version of the story was needed.
46–61, 69–70, 86–88. , P. Brown, ‘A dark age crisis’; Auzépy, ‘Les enjeux’; on the older controversies, Dal Santo, Debating the saints’ cult. 60 Papal veneration of images was not, however, necessarily shared more generally in the West. 61 The Eastern emperor Leo V, however, reinstated iconoclasm in 815, and the bishop of Rome seized the opportunity to defend images and by so doing assert his independence of both the Eastern and the Western Empires. 62 Whereas Charlemagne’s theologians had argued against images, his son and successor, Louis the Pious (reigned 814–840), was faced with iconoclasm both in the East and also in Francia.