Eisenhower, Somoza, and the Cold War in Nicaragua: 1953-1961 by Michael D. Gambone

By Michael D. Gambone

During the chilly conflict period, the USA confronted the possibility of increasing its strength in significant the US. yet we miscalculated—grievously. After 1945, imperative the USA teemed with leaders prepared to change the region's quasi-colonial prestige. a few, like Fidel Castro, sought out revolution to shatter the established order. Others, like Anastasio Somoza Garcia, tried to search out new instructions alongside extra refined paths. Nicaragua to that end challenged American hegemony in a way instantly extra planned and extra risky than the other attempt within the hemisphere. The Somoza regime, not like its contemporaries, selected to make use of American associations and American personal tastes to subvert the latter's energy instead of toughen it. American vanity, mixed with a complacent method of coverage in its worldwide yard, provided a myriad of political, army, and monetary possibilities to a pacesetter keen to take hazards. within the years after 1945, Somoza used to be hence capable of peel away layers of clientage until eventually, at yes moments, he may act as a associate of his northern neighbor.

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Hollister expressed a desire ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE POLICY 29 for better coordination among ‘‘country teams,’’ regional offices, and Washington itself. He pointed out that policy was often the result of local improvisation rather than an encompassing plan. 77 Dulles listened sympathetically, agreeing with Hollister’s grievances, but offered little constructive support. The ICA, like its predecessors, languished for want of authority or support. Proponents of multilateral programs faced similar obstacles.

72 As chairman of the committee on the Foreign Operations Administration, George Humphrey proposed numerous basic changes to address this problem. Foremost was a basic division of FOA tasks between State and Defense. The State Department would control assistance through the new International Cooperation Administration after July 1955, using its resources as a supplement to diplomatic activity. The Defense Department in turn would retain complete control of military aid. The general argument followed that specialization would decrease overlap and increase efficiency, resulting in a foreign-assistance policy that accomplished more with less.

D. Jackson, the secretary of state explained: As far as I am personally concerned, it is just not practical for me to be a crusader for some particular program, however good it may be. I can plan, and I can support, and I 30 THE FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 1953–57 am 100% behind your type of investment program. I spent most of last Saturday discussing it with Bob Bowie [director of the Policy Planning Staff] and we are going to try to get some studies under way. 81 Second, new programs lacked the necessary scope to be effective.

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