By Tareq Y. Ismael, William W. Haddad
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Extra resources for Iraq: The Human Cost of History
299–343. 2. See Eric Schmitt. “US Plan for Iraq is Said to Include Attack on 3 Sides,” New York Times, 5 July 2002; see also: editorial, “Battle Plans for Iraq,” New York Times (6 July 2002), p. A26. 3. A valuable overview has been provided by Sarah Graham-Brown. B. Tauris, 1999). 4. See the early and respected assessment of the civilian impact of the sanctions imposed after the 1991 Gulf War by the Harvard Study Team that visited Iraq several times during 1991. Albert Acherio and others. “Effect of the Gulf War on Infant and Child Mortality in Iraq,” New England Journal of Medicine, Vol.
In other words, they treat those concepts as if they have a single, fixed and selfevident meaning. 11 Writing the way Mueller and Mueller do unwittingly excludes from “American-ness” those who do care. To such IAC activists, a US citizen who does not care about the human cost of the sanctions is in significant respects more “foreign” than a citizen of another state that does care about them. How one comes to see oneself and others is a vital part of making it possible to accept or reject the continuation of the sanctions with their related human cost.
In contrast, I argue that, in many respects though not all, the human consequences of the sanctions are intentional. It is noteworthy that the human cost of the sanctions has not made them unacceptable to most of the public in the state principally responsible for keeping the sanctions in place, namely the United States. I argue that this is to a great extent due to the manufacture of consent through the news media in terms of the rarity of coverage of the human cost of the sanctions and also in terms of how that human cost is framed.