By Jennifer L. Burrell
Guatemala's thirty-six-year civil struggle culminated in peace accords in 1996, however the postwar transition has been marked through persevered violence, together with lynchings and the increase of gangs, in addition to enormous wage-labor exodus to the us. For the Mam Maya municipality of Todos Santos Cuchumatan, inhabited via a predominantly indigenous peasant inhabitants, the aftermath of conflict and genocide resonates with a long-standing rigidity among country suggestions of governance and historical community-level strength buildings that included ideas of kinship, gender, and new release. displaying the ways that those advanced histories are interlinked with wartime and enduring family/class conflicts, Maya after conflict presents a nuanced account of a distinct transitional postwar scenario, together with the advanced effect of neoliberal intervention. Drawing on ethnographic box examine over a twenty-year interval, Jennifer L. Burrell explores the after-war interval in a locale the place group struggles span tradition, identification, and background. Investigating a number tensions from the neighborhood to the foreign, Burrell employs special methodologies, together with mapmaking, historical past workshops, and a casual translation of a historical ethnography, to investigate the position of clash in animating what concerns to Todosanteros of their daily lives and the way the citizens negotiate strength. studying the community-based divisions along nationwide postwar contexts, Maya after battle considers the air of mystery of wish that surrounded the signing of the peace accords, and the following doubt and ready that experience fueled unrest, encompassing generational conflicts. This research is a wealthy research of the multifaceted forces at paintings within the quest for peace, in Guatemala and past.
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Extra resources for Maya after War: Conflict, Power, and Politics in Guatemala
He then ordered guerilla leaders to identify themselves, threatening to strafe the town from helicopters if they did not. Several men stepped forward. 9 That night, the bodies of the victims were carried to the cemetery and buried by other Todosanteros. After this visit by the army, many people disappeared and others were abducted and murdered. Still others left to join the EGP. No one knew for sure who was responsible for the abductions and killings during these months. Some suspected army supporters; others thought the guerillas were seeking retribution for the devastation wrought by the army.
In November 1982, in the caserío of Txanxmil, a hamlet of San Martín, Todos Santos, the army captured a man and brought him to the office of the military command, where he was beaten and deprived of food and water for three days, after which he was released. The victim was detained because the soldiers couldn’t find his grandson, who was working on a farm in Mexico (CEH case #5408). People most often talk about this period in relation to the nuances and suffering of day-to-day life. While la violencia is always a crucial marker in life histories and personal narratives, a typical detail slipped in might reference the way that Don Idelfonso went to his milpa every day.
1999). Indigenous activism, however, was met with swift retribution when 140 Q’eqchi’ peasants were massacred in Panzós, Alta Verapaz, in the department of El Quiché, in May 1978, signaling how the state would respond to opposition under General Fernando Romeo Lucas García (Grandin 2004, Sanford 2010). 3 Following the 1979 Sandinista victory in Nicaragua, and guerilla offensives in neighboring El Salvador, the Guatemalan guerillas, especially the EGP, underwent a massive expansion. Within several years, the EGP claimed to have six operating guerilla fronts (Figueroa and Martí 2007:46).