By Hannes Adomeit (auth.), Murray Feshbach (eds.)
LORD CARRINGTON Secretary basic, North Atla/ltic Treaty Orga/lisation In offering a foreword to this quantity, i need to claim an curiosity. i used to be, and am nonetheless, an enthusiastic suggest of the assumption of getting a resident Sovietologist at NATO headquarters, certainly, I questioned how the paintings of the corporation have been performed for thus lengthy with out the advantage of a resident professional on a subject matter of such the most important curiosity. i used to be for this reason overjoyed whilst an American educational of excessive recognition, Murray Feshbach, joined us as our first Sovietologist. i used to be additionally inspired that he determined to organise final November a Workshop within which NATO employees may possibly participate and which might allure prestigious contributors from the entire international locations of this alliance, I observed for myself the excessive point of curiosity created by way of the Workshop, and choose it to have a really enormous luck, i am hoping there'll be different related occasions sooner or later, there isn't any doubt that, within the mild of the sequence of advancements and adjustments introduced over contemporary months through Mr.
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Extra resources for National Security Issues of the USSR
Conversely, the opposition parties in these countries, at least for the time being, seemed to be far removed from winning power and changing course. Fifth, costs, benefits and risks of expansionism in the Third World may have appeared in a different light to the Soviet leadership in the 1980s than they had in the 1970s. Whereas in the previous period, the dispatch of military advisers and arms, as well as the cooperation with 'proxies', such as Cuba and Vietnam, seemed to have brought about substantial gains at little risk of confrontation with the United States, the subsequent years began to look different.
And after the resolution of the Daniloff-Zakharov controversy, it granted exit visas to dissident-refuseniks Yuri Orlov, David Goldfarb, Viktor Flerov and Irina Ratushinskaya. Finally, it was Gorbachev who suggested the Reykjavik meeting and who, despite the failure to reach a comprehensive agreement on the three main areas of arms control negotiations, put a rosy gloss on its results. Although in his radio and television addresses of 14 and 22 October 1986, he did decry American intransigence, he also called the Reykjavik meeting an 'important stage' in the arms control process that had created a 'qualitatively new situation'.
Moreover they have also been told, at least by implication, that military potential is no longer of the greatest importance for the 'correlation of forces' between East and West: It is economic potential which counts in the longer run, for even military potential cannot be sustained indefinitely without a revitalisation of the civilian economy. If this economic potential cannot be realised, Gorbachev tells us, the Soviet Union will simply be unable to 'place the immense reserves and opportunities of socialism at the service of the working people'.