By Jeff Kingston
Using a comparative, interdisciplinary strategy, Nationalism in Asia analyzes currents of nationalism in 5 modern Asian societies: China, India, Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea.
- Explores the ways that nationalism is expressed, embraced, challenged, and resisted in modern China, India, Indonesia, Japan, and South Korea utilizing a comparative, interdisciplinary approach
- Provides an enormous trans-national and trans-regional research by means of 5 nations that span Northeast, Southeast, and South Asia
- Features comparative research of identification politics, democracy, financial coverage, country branding, activities, shared trauma, reminiscence and tradition wars, territorial disputes, nationwide safeguard and minorities
- Offers an obtainable, thematic narrative written for non-specialists, together with a close and updated bibliography
- Gives readers an in-depth knowing of the ramifications of nationalism in those nations for the way forward for Asia
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Extra info for Nationalism in Asia : a history since 1945
Ironically, it was the All‐China Women’s Federation that identified sheng‐nu as a social problem requiring a public program to encourage women to sacrifice careers in favor of marriage. Problematically, China’s one‐child policy led to many selective abortions, so there is a stark gender imbalance featuring a shortage of women that dims male marriage prospects; the male/female ratio is 120:100. There are orchestrated media campaigns accusing women of having too high expectations and stigmatizing unmarried women over the age of 27 as being unable to find a husband; but in reality this lifestyle appears to be a matter of individual preference.
And it is an appealing argument to an older generation that knows all about instability. The quest for a strong state is an abiding one in China precisely because it has always been deemed crucial to modernization, strength, unity, stability and prosperity (Schell and Delury 2013). Yet, now that it has become firmly entrenched, a stable state is taken for granted, especially by the majority of Chinese who were born after Mao’s disasters. Nobody really expects a sudden collapse although more than a few would welcome the Party’s demise.
For our current leaders even to mention class struggle would be tantamount to digging their own graves. From the early 1990s the CCP played the history card, invoking the atrocities committed by the Japanese in the 1930s and 1940s as a means to reinforce the “century of 22 Contemporary Culture Wars and National Identity humiliation” narrative and promote patriotism. Mao and the first generation of Chinese leaders downplayed Japan’s rampage, partly because the CCP had a relatively small role in the anti‐Japanese war compared to the Kuomintang.