By Joost Kleuters
Combining new pondering in diplomacy idea with unique old examine, Kleuters explores the fight among Christian Democrats and Social Democrats with reference to German reunification, from Westbindung to Ostpolitik. the result's a gripping narrative focussing on theoretical relevance in international coverage decisions-making.
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Extra resources for Reunification in West German Party Politics from Westbindung to Ostpolitik
2. ’26 To Adenauer, Westbindung did not only mean West German participation in the western alliance; it was also meant to reinforce the commitment of the West to the Federal Republic and this article was an important step towards this goal. However, since after the signing of the Paris Agreement the three powers had continued to hold on to their rights concerning Berlin and Germany as a whole, and Adenauer’s fears about a deal on German reuniﬁcation being done over the heads of the Germans had not fully receded.
When confronted with the fact that ‘the most important turning point in West German foreign policy’ coincides with a signiﬁcant change in parliamentary arithmetic, Engelmann-Martin feels it necessary to change from one scenario to the other, in which norms and identities are stable and the ‘logic of appropriateness’ prevails. Again, as with the constructivist approach to Ostpolitik taken by Cordell and Wolff, the explanation seems inevitably to lie in a process of continuity. Of course, there was a signiﬁcant element of continuity in West German foreign policy.
Ollenhauer also lacked Schumacher’s charisma, which did not help the SPD’s election campaign (Rupieper, 1991, p. 309). To ensure that the pro-reuniﬁcation campaign of the SPD would have as little impact as possible, on 8 July 1953 Adenauer publicly proposed organizing a Four-Power conference on the future of Germany. 32 At one point, the Westbindung instead of Wiedervereinigung 45 polls even showed that 50 per cent of the voters were content with Adenauer as chancellor. 2 per cent of the votes, a victory that no one within the CDU/CSU could have predicted (Köhler, 1994, p.