By Leslie Bethell
The quantity comprises the separate histories of Mexico, principal the United States, the Caribbean, and Panama. half One covers intensive the historical past of Mexico. half offers with the 5 international locations of vital the United States: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. half 3 covers Cuba, together with the revolution, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Puerto Rico. The fourth and ultimate part is dedicated to Panama, with a separate bankruptcy discussing the background of the Canal sector as much as 1979.
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Extra info for The Cambridge History of Latin America, Volume 7: Latin America since 1930: Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean
Over time, the first often gave way to the second, and by the 1940s, demands for the individual parcellization of communal lands had become strident and, in places, the source of violent conflict. Furthermore, even where the collective mode survived (as in the Laguna, Chiapas, Atencingo) it tended to produce internal stratification between full beneficiaries on the one hand and whole or semi-proletarians on the other. The result of brief, forced growth, the Cardenista collectives soon wilted in the uncongenial climate of the 1940s.
Kluckhohn, The Mexican Challenge (New York, 1939), p. 3. At local level the decline ol political violence was slower and more patchy. Nora Hamilton, The Limits of State Autonomy: Post-revolutionary Mexico (Princeton, 1982), pp. '44-5- Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Mexico c. 1930—46 19 opposition in states where agrarismo was politically suspect: Sonora, Chiapas, Veracruz. None of this was new, but the agrarian reform was now carried farther and fester, in pursuit of grander national objectives.
Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education pressed for the formation of a single teachers' union in the face of serious internal divisions (as many as 60 per cent of teachers were said to be Catholics and, despite purges and recruitment drives, the profession was never thoroughly radicalized). Since the left, too, was split between Communists and Lombardistas, unity proved chimerical and internal conflict endemic, to the detriment of morale. There were permanent gains in the race between population growth and educational provision: literacy rates improved and the school's nationalist, integrating role was enhanced.