By Shulami Eliash
Eliash examines the connection among eire and the Zionist flow, and the country of Israel from the context of Palestine’s partition and the hold up in Ireland’s attractiveness of the country of Israel till 1963. reading the Irish angle to the partition of Palestine via an analogy with that of eire, this engaging text compares either the Irish and Zionist perspectives at the partition plans of 1937 and 1947. The research underscores the distinction among Ireland’s separatist coverage and its sparse diplomatic connections at the one hand, and Israel’s international international relations at the different, and discusses how this hole contributed to Ireland’s hold up in spotting the country of Israel. laying off mild on Irish and Israeli international coverage, the e-book additionally calls into query the facility of small states to shape self sustaining overseas coverage, the Vatican’s impression on religious Catholic states like eire, and the position of Irish and Jewish diasporas within the US.
Read Online or Download The Harp and the Shield of David (Israeli History, Politics & Society S.) PDF
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Extra info for The Harp and the Shield of David (Israeli History, Politics & Society S.)
69 It is reasonable to assume that the Jewish proponents of the partition concept endorsed the idea because they looked at the positive side of creating a Jewish State, albeit divided, which would include most of the Jewish population living in the country. 70 Irish demographics were different. 71 Moreover, in Tyrone and Fermanagh and in the regions bordering the southern counties, the majority was Catholic. 72 Since the Catholics comprised the majority in the island, they felt that the same guidelines that led Britain to recognize the Unionist Protestants’ right to secede from the other counties, should also justify their demands to unite Northern Ireland with the South.
The persecution of Jews in Germany, the violation of the rights to which Jews were entitled under the minority protection treaties in Eastern Europe, and the obstacles in implementing the British Mandate for Palestine, made the need for such representation even greater. It is not surprising then, that when the partition of Palestine was placed on the agenda of the League of Nations, Zionist leaders, including the President of the Zionist Movement Chaim Weizmann, Chairman of the Executive of the Jewish Agency David Ben-Gurion and the secretary of the Jewish Agency’s political department Moshe Shertok (subsequently Hebraized to Moshe Sharett), rushed to Geneva.
What made them unique was their separation from their countries of origin and cultures. 84 Herzog also stressed that the Jews wished to achieve a harmonious existence with their neighbors. They were not, however, willing to give up their claim for free Jewish immigration and for self-determination, he wrote. Finally, Herzog played on de Valera’s emotions, lavishing praise on him: I desire to appeal to your natural, inborn sympathy for an unfortunate homeless, historic race. . 85 It appears that Herzog was not merely paying lip service, but meant what he said.