By Roger Hardy
"We pay a excessive rate after we fail to appreciate Islam," writes Roger Hardy during this well timed consultant. Designed for readers of all backgrounds, this publication demystifies the phenomenon of Islamism and the forces that force it, situating the circulate inside a clarifying heritage that perspectives Islamism, for the final 200 years, because the made from a struggle opposed to Western domination and as a result of the disappointments of modernization. Roger Hardy builds his narrative round own travels and his encounters as a journalist overlaying Mideast and Islamic matters for greater than 3 a long time. He illuminates the political position of Islam in different detailed nations and areas: Egypt, Iran, Pakistan, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Southeast Asia, and Europe. even as, he unravels a historical past of Islamism from its origins in colonialism to its current manifestation in Al-Qaeda and worldwide jihad. In a provocative end, Hardy warns that and not using a extra entire realizing of Islamism, the West will forfeit its peace-brokering virtue and certainly lose the "hearts and minds" of Muslims. (9/1/10)
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"We pay a excessive fee once we fail to appreciate Islam," writes Roger Hardy during this well timed consultant. Designed for readers of all backgrounds, this booklet demystifies the phenomenon of Islamism and the forces that force it, situating the circulate inside of a clarifying historical past that perspectives Islamism, for the final 2 hundred years, because the made of a struggle opposed to Western domination and because of the disappointments of modernization.
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Extra info for The Muslim Revolt: A Journey Through Political Islam (Columbia Hurst)
From the top of the golden dome—flanked by two golden minarets—fluttered a red silk flag, emblem of martyrdom. *** 38 MARTYRS FOR HUSSEIN Although Iraq was the site of Shi’ism’s holy places, the country the world most closely associated with militant Shi’ism was the Islamic Republic of Iran. A decade later, in 1995, by now working for the BBC, I found myself in Tehran trying to make sense of the Islamic revolution which had so rattled Saddam Hussein. The revolution of 1979 had electrified the whole of the Muslim world and opened up a new phase in the Muslim revolt.
Under Sadat’s successor, Husni Mubarak, the authorities fought a brutal war in the 1990s against two violent groups, Jihad and Gamaa al-Islamiya. They were suppressed, but at a cost of more than a thousand lives. At the same time, the Brotherhood attempted to fend off the charge that it was secretly in league with the militants and that its outward show of pragmatism was merely a smokescreen to hide its desire to overthrow the system. Despite intermittent and often harsh repression, it survived as the country’s main opposition group.
Like countless others who were committed to the anti–colonial struggle, he was convinced an important page had been turned in the history of his country and of the Arabs as a whole. But he had already begun to move, in his own words, from ‘national consciousness’ to ‘religious consciousness’. In the early 1950s he joined the Muslim Brotherhood, convinced it was necessary to combine a commitment to Islam with wholehearted support for the project of national liberation. Even then, his individualism stood out: some of the Brothers disapproved of the fact that he played the violin and liked Western 23 The muslim revolt music.