By Frances Hagopian, Scott P. Mainwaring
This quantity deals an bold and complete evaluate of the remarkable advances in addition to the setbacks within the post-1978 wave of democratization. It explains the ocean swap from a area ruled by means of authoritarian regimes to 1 within which overtly authoritarian regimes are the infrequent exception, and analyzes why a few nations have accomplished extraordinary earnings in democratization whereas others have skilled erosions. The booklet provides normal theoretical arguments approximately what motives and sustains democracy in its research of 9 theoretically compelling state circumstances.
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Extra info for The Third Wave of Democratization in Latin America: Advances and Setbacks
For democratic and semidemocratic regimes, we used Coppedge’s (1998: 556–57) index of party systems in eleven countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela) during democratic and semidemocratic periods (1946–99). Coppedge’s index adopts values between 0 (when all votes in an election are located at the center of the political spectrum) and 100 (when all the votes are equally split between extreme left and extreme right parties).
Argentina may be the most intriguing of these three cases. ” In 2002, as Argentina was experiencing a crisis of the presidency, the banking system lay in shambles, and public confidence in government had plummeted to all time lows, some wondered whether Argentine democracy might collapse. We offered Steve Levitsky an opportunity to revise his fine chapter, and asked him specifically if he wished to abandon ship. With either the optimism of a na¨ıve Pollyanna or the prescience of a Greek oracle, Levitsky stayed on board and on course.
2 shows Polity scores, the only of these five indicators that is available for the pre-1945 period, to assess levels of democracy from 1903 (when Panama became independent) to 1945. ’s trichotomous scale: Score∗ 50 (where Score equals 0 for authoritarian regimes, 1 for semidemocracies, and 2 for democracies). 1, though not elsewhere in this chapter, we treat our trichotomous indicator as a continuous scale ranging from 0 for authoritarian regimes to 50 for semidemocracies to 100 for democracies to make possible the comparison with the other measures.