By Guillaume Faye
Identitarians and others making up the ecu resistance lack a doctrine that actually serves as a political and ideological synthesis of who they're - a doctrine that speaks above events and sects, above rival sensibilities and wounded emotions, that brings the resistance jointly round transparent principles and goals, uniting them towards the Europeans' dramatic decline.
Our buyers face the gravest peril of their complete heritage: demographic cave in, submission to an alien colonisation and to Islam, the bastardisation of the eu Union, prostration earlier than American hegemony, the forgetting of our cultural roots, etc. within the kind of an introductory textual content and a dictionary of 177 keywords, Guillaume Faye, some of the most artistic writers of the ecu 'Right', makes a prognosis of the current scenario and proposes a application of resistance, reconquest, and regeneration. He holds out the chance of a racial and innovative replacement to the current decayed civilisation.
The manifesto's relevant target is therefore to unify the resistance via constructing a standard doctrine that unites all people and each tendency trying to represent a eu community of resistance - a doctrine that is going past the previous sectarian quarrels and superficial divisions. All appropriate matters, together with politics, economics, geopolitics, demographics, and biology are broached. because it was once for the Nineteenth-century Left with Marx's Communist Manifesto, Why We struggle is destined to develop into the most important paintings for Twenty-first century identitarians. This variation of Why We struggle comprises the total textual content of the unique French version, in addition to extra fabric that was once additional for the German version. additionally incorporated is an unique Foreword by means of translator Michael O'Meara, writer of latest tradition, New correct, in addition to a Foreword by way of Dr. Pierre Krebs, Chairman of the Thule-Seminar in Germany.
With a doctorate in political technology from Paris' Institute of Political technological know-how, the essayist Guillaume Faye was once one of many central theoreticians of the French Nouvelle Droite within the Seventies and '80s ahead of his turning out to be sympathy for the identitarian move. He has additionally been a journalist at Figaro-Magazine, Paris-Match, Magazine-Hebdo, Valeurs Actuelles, and a radio commentator. For numerous years he was once the editor of J'ai tout compris (I Understood Everything), a personal newsletter.
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Extra resources for Why We Fight
Krebs graduated from the École Supérieure de Journalisme and the École des Hautes Études Sociales with degrees in philosophy, history and law. A Note from the Editor There were no footnotes to the French edition of this book. ’, which were added by the translator. The footnotes to Dr. O’Meara’s Foreword are his own, and the footnotes to Dr. ’, which were added by myself. I would like to thank Robert Steuckers for contributing the information which I have added as footnote #46 in the ‘Preliminary Elements’ section.
Like Faye, it has worked closely with the Terre et Peuple group in France. Krebs graduated from the École Supérieure de Journalisme and the École des Hautes Études Sociales with degrees in philosophy, history and law. A Note from the Editor There were no footnotes to the French edition of this book. ’, which were added by the translator. The footnotes to Dr. O’Meara’s Foreword are his own, and the footnotes to Dr. ’, which were added by myself. I would like to thank Robert Steuckers for contributing the information which I have added as footnote #46 in the ‘Preliminary Elements’ section.
To appreciate something of its foresight, the reader might recall the historical context in which Why We Fight appeared.  For the system, never more triumphant, it was the everything-is-going-right period before the Islamic terrorist attack of ‘9/11’ and the ensuing production known as the Global War on Terrorism — the period before the hubristic violence of George Bush’s ‘shock and awe’ over-extended the American empire, preparing its present breakdown — before September 2008, when the supposedly irreversible progression of the global market came to a sudden, economy-wrecking standstill (as ‘the dream of global free-market capitalism died’) — and before October 2010, when the German Chancellor, model of the post-war, American-centric sense of propriety, declared that multiculturalism had ‘totally failed’ and that immigrants had better start assimilating.