By Tomáš Došek, Flavia Freidenberg, Mariana Caminotti, Betilde Muñoz-Pogossian
This e-book discusses the present developments in women’s illustration and their function in politics in Latin American nations from 3 diversified views. first of all, the authors research cultural, political-partisan and organizational stumbling blocks that ladies face in and out of doors associations. Secondly, the e-book explores obstacles in political fact, similar to gender laws implementation, public management and overseas cooperation, and proposes recommendations, supported through profitable stories, emphasising the nonlinearity of the implementation approach. Thirdly, the authors spotlight the function of ladies in politics on the subnational point. The e-book combines educational services in a variety of disciplines with contributions from practitioners inside of nationwide and overseas associations to increase the reader’s knowing of ladies in Latin American politics.
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Additional info for Women, Politics, and Democracy in Latin America
13 With no doubt, an important pending obligation for substantive representation in Latin America is the decriminalization of abortion. This is a historical feminist demand, which has not always enjoyed the political will of most female legislators, either because of their links to religious groups or because of polarization in public opinion. Within Latin America, only Cuba and Uruguay permit abortion without restriction. Respect for Democratic Rules: The Rule of Law In representative democracies, public decisions rely on the people elected by popular vote (Przeworski 1999; O’Donnell 1998; Karl 1991; Lijphart 1987; Dahl 1971).
Therefore, to consider women as a whole with a coherent identity, with no differences, is to deprive their representative space of its significance (Archenti 2000). Beyond the debate on this subject, the literature presents serious methodological obstacles to measure substantive representation. The main problem is related to the use of different indicators, which impairs the comparison of empirical findings. While some scholars examine the number of “gender bills” introduced in legislatures and compare them with the number of enacted laws (Franceschet 2011; Franceschet and Piscopo 2008), others analyze bills in commissions, parliamentary debates and legislative votes (Schwindt-Bayer 2010; Borner et al.
However, political institutions do not transmit demands in a neutral fashion, nor do they merely ratify agreements. On the contrary, the nature of the specific institutional arrangements produces strategic contexts that determine how interests are expressed and which interests will prevail (Immergut 1992). According to Remmer (1996), the sustainability of democratic regimes is conditioned by the existence of institutionalized opportunities of participation, confrontation and opposition. In a democratic context, the study of the actors, their actions and relationships and of the different ways in which they interact, leads inherently to a discussion about parties and political organizations (Mainwaring and Scully 1995).